2014년 9월 29일 월요일
[발췌: N. Fyfe's] Images of the Street: Planning, Identity and Control in Public Space (2006)
2014년 9월 28일 일요일
[용례] donkeying around
2014년 9월 27일 토요일
[발췌: A.B. Cox's] Making Markets and Constructing Crises: A Review of Ho's 'Liquidated'
2014년 9월 25일 목요일
Dic: as it (so) happens, It just so happens that..
- She called Amy to see if she had any idea of her son's whereabouts. As it happened, Amy had.
- It just so happens that my daughter lives in Mexico, and I do know a bit about the situation there.
- As it happens, I know someone who might be able to help you.
△ You use as it happens in order to introduce a statement, especially one that is rather surprising.
△ it just so happens (that): surprisingly.
Usage notes: said about an unexpected or unlikely fact
△ as it happens/it just so happens: used to tell someone something that is surprising, interesting, or useful
[기사 발췌] 골드만삭스가 펀드 전략 180도 바꾼 이유는? (월스트리트 저널, 2014.8)
자료: 월스트리트 저널 (2014.8.6)
※ 발췌:
골드만삭스가 새로운 은행업 규정에 발맞추기 위해 수익 기여도가 낮은 고객을 정리하고, 고객 수수료를 인상하는 등 헤지펀드 사업 방식을 완전히 뒤바꾸고 있다.
골드만삭스는 헤지펀드 고객들을 대상으로 새로운 규정에 따른 최소 자본비율을 준수해야 한다면서, 그로 인해 전담중개업(prime-brokerage) 수익이 영향을 받게 됐다고 설명해 왔다. (헤지펀드 전담중개는 증권대여, 위탁매매, 장외파생상품매매, 신용공여 등을 제공해 헤지펀드의 운용 전략 수행을 지원하는 서비스다).
다수의 글로벌 대형은행에서 전개되고 있는 이같은 변화는 월가가 변모하는 환경에 적응하기 위해 또 다른 노력을 기울이고 있다는 점을 잘 드러낸다. 은행업계는 이미 자기자본매매(proprietary-trading) 사업 부문을 축소하고, 원자재 사업을 매각하고 있다. 또 증권 보유분을 줄이고, 헤지펀드 및 사모펀드에 대한 투자도 감축하고 있는 추세다. ( ... ... )
[발췌: 권오상, 파생금융 사용설명서] 투자은행과 헤지펀드의 애증적 관계: 프라임 브로커리지
2014년 9월 24일 수요일
[Simple explanations of] the basic concept of options contracts
- the buyer has the right to buy, but he may choose to buy or may even choose to cancel the contract. Hence the buyers maximum loss in only the initial amount that was paid to gain the rights.
- Unlike buyers, the options contracts for sellers is an obligation. If a seller enters into an agreement, he has to deliver the asset on the specified date and the price agreed upon. The the loss for a seller could be much worse.
- an option is only a right to do something. It is not an obligation to carry out the action. For a buyer it is only a right and not an obligation, but for a seller it is an obligation.
- Call Holders and Put Holders (The Buyers) are not obligated to buy or sell. They have the right to do so if they wish.
- Similarly Call Writers and Put Writers (The Sellers) are obligated to buy or sell. This means that they need to buy or sell if the Call holders deciders to exercise his right to buy.
For each call contract you buy, you have the right (but not the obligation) to purchase 100 shares of a specific security at a specific price within a specific time frame. A good way to remember this is: You have the right to “call” stock away from somebody.
For each put contract you buy, you have the right (but not the obligation) to sell 100 shares of a specific security at a specific price within a specific time frame. A good way to remember this is: You have the right to “put” stock to somebody.
자료 3: http://www.answers.com/Q/Difference_between_put_option_and_call_option
- The holder/purchaser/owner of a call option contract expects the price of the underlying asset to rise during the term or duration of the call contract, for as the value of the underlying asset increases so does the value of the call option contract.
- Conversely, the write/seller of a call option contract expects the price of the underlying asset to remain stable or to decline.
- The holder/purchaser/owner of a put option contract expects the price of the underlying asset to decline during the term or duration of the put contract, for as the value of the underlying asset declines the contract value increases.
- Conversely, the writer/seller of a put option contract expects the price of the underlying asset to remain stable or to rise.
CF. Chapter 3. Mechanics of the Options Markets (Montana.edu)
2014년 9월 17일 수요일
[발췌: P. Linebaugh's] Enclosures from the Bottom Up (2010)
출처: Peter Linebaugh (2010). "Enclosures from the Bottom Up." Radical History Review. 2010, Volume 2010, Number 108: 11-27
※ 발췌 (excerpts):
Abstract
This essay integrates two themes: the enclosure of land, or of other resources, as a physical mechanism of privatization; and the technique of historical investigation known as writing history “from the bottom up.” Building on the work of Elinor Ostrom, the 2009 Nobel laureate in economics for her work on the commons, the essay criticizes the powerful and influential 1968 article “The Tragedy of the Commons” by the biologist Garrett Hardin. It demonstrates how Hardin's central argument is derived from the ideas of a nineteenth-century Oxford professor responding to a protracted series of militant actions by a small community in Oxfordshire that sought to defend its commons from enclosure. The acts of resistance exerted by these Oxfordshire commoners were among the first events uncovered and written about by members of the Ruskin College History Workshop who pioneered history “from below” in England during the early 1970s.
[발췌: We Alone on Earth's] Cultural Enclosure (2010)
자료: http://wealoneonearth.blogspot.kr/2010/09/cultural-enclosure.html
※ 발췌 (excerpts):
In the late 18th century, English society underwent a major structural change: the enclosure of the commons. The enclosure movement effectively destroyed ancient patterns of rural life, as wealthy land-owners used legal clout to turn peasant farmers into landless laborers. Something similar is happening here and now; an attempt by powerful media companies to enclose our common cultural heritage inside a fence of copyright law.
Copyright is one of the few specific powers enumerated in the American constitution. “The Congress shall have the power To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries.” Copyright was initially established at 14 years, with a 14 year renewal, but the term has been lengthened repeatedly, with the Sonny Bono Copyright Term Extension Act bringing the duration to life of the author plus seventy years, or 120 years for corporate authors. At the same time, the scope of copyright has expanded from maps and direct copies of literary works to all forms of media, adaptations, and translations.
The stated rational is that extending copyright benefits creators, and while it does, this grand cultural enclosure has inflicted grievous harm on our cultural vitality. ( ... ... )
[발췌: P. Barnes's] A Brief History of How We Lost the Commons (2006 [2013])
A century ago, land, resources, and places to dump wastes were abundant; capital itself was the limiting factor. That's why rules and practices were developed that prioritized capital above all else.
In the 21st century, however, this is no longer the case. As economist Joshua Farley has noted, "If we want more fish on our dinner plates, the scarce factor isn't fishing boats, it's fish. If we want more timber, the scarce factor isn't sawmills, it's trees."
( ... ... )
[D. Boillier's] The History of Commons and Enclosure
자료: http://bollier.org/week-4-history-commons-and-enclosure
※ 발췌 (excerpts): A review of medieval commons, Peter Linebaugh's history of Magna Carta, and Karl Polanyi's The Great Transformation.
CF. A list of commoners: http://bollier.org/commons-resources/individuals
2014년 9월 13일 토요일
[발췌: 신승환] 생명 윤리를 위한 길
지은이: 신승환 (가톨릭대학교 철학과 교수)
자료: 학교법인 가톨릭학원, <평화와 함께> 2013년 11월 제77호.
※ 발췌:
2014년 9월 11일 목요일
[용어] gonzo journalism
Gonzo journalism is a style of journalism that is written without claims of objectivity, often including the reporter as part of the story via a first-person narrative. The word "gonzo" is believed to be first used in 1970 to describe an article by Hunter S. Thompson, who later popularized the style. It is an energetic first-person participatory writing style in which the author is a protagonist, and it draws its power from a combination of both social critique and self-satire.[1] It has since been applied to other subjective artistic endeavors.Gonzo journalism involves an approach to accuracy through the reporting of personal experiences and emotions, as compared to traditional journalism, which favors a detached style and relies on facts or quotations that can be verified by third parties. Gonzo journalism disregards the strictly edited product favored by newspaper media and strives for a more personal approach; the personality of a piece is equally as important as the event the piece is on. Use of sarcasm,humor, exaggeration, and profanity is common. ( ... ... )
( ... ... ) Cardoso, himself a journalist, claims that "gonzo" is actually a corruption of a French Canadian word, "gonzeaux", meaning "shining path". While to my knowledge no such word exists, modern slang dictionaries speculate it is Spanish, perhaps after gonzagas, meaning "to fool". However, gonzo has made it into the 20+ volume set of the Oxford English Dictionary.In gonzo journalism, there are no set rules, though like most writers, Thompson follows a successful style and framework, revolving loosely around the Kentucky piece. Thompson's own definition of it has varied over the years, but he still maintains that a good gonzo journalist "needs the talent of master journalist, the eye of an artist/photographer and the heavy balls of an actor" and that gonzo is a "style of reporting based on William Faulkner's idea that the best fiction is far more true than any kind of journalism" (Carroll, pxx).This would be a good place to stop and talk about new journalism. Gonzo journalism is an offshoot of NJ. Hell's Angels is probably the only book of Thompson's that could be called NJ. NJ was a journalistic movement during the late fifties to the late seventies (whether it has all but disappeared I do not know). Writers, realizing that objectivity in news reporting is more or less a myth, tried to write about things as they saw them. The things they saw tended to be counterculture activities, such as peace demonstrations, drugs, flower children and music. These subjects were either ignored or misrepresented by the traditional mainstream press. The popularity of NJ was that it was a style that "put the pseudo- objective soporifics of the broadsheets to shame by applying to journalism the techniques of the realistic novel", however, "it required a romance with reality that undermined the ideologues' lust for self-deceit" (Vigilante, 1988, p12). When done right, new journalism is usually more true. Rock journalism is also a cousin of NJ - here is where the impact of magazines such as Rolling Stone are felt. Gonzo neatly falls into place alongside the participatory journalism of writers such as George Plimpton with his sporting books like Paper Lion and Shadow Box.( ... ) There are seven main characteristics that appear in his writing. They are:- overlapping themes of sex, violence, drugs, sports and politics.- use of quotes by famous people and other writers or sometimes his own as an epigraph- references to public figures such as newspeople, actors, musicians and politicians- a tendency to move away from the topic subject or subject he started out with- use of sarcasm and/or vulgarity as humour- tendency for the words to flow and an extremely creative use of English- extreme scrutiny of situationsAs discussed in the previous essay, Thompson tends to write about things he is personally involved in. He knows his own hobbies well and it seems to be what his readers want. Subjects like drugs, sex, violence and sports also seem to be the obsession of North America, so therefore Thompson is literally writing not only about himself but a large part of the population. ( ... ... )
( ... ) In an article appearing in the journal American Speech in 1983, Peter Tamony claims that Gonzo’s “earlier history is obscure.”[n.1] While this remains true, a few sources suggest the word’s origins. For example, Tamony speculates that “Gonzo looks Spanish” and asks whether the word might be an Americanization of ganso, meaning “‘gander, lazy slovenly person, [or] dunce.’”[n.2] The Oxford English Dictionary suggests another possible source, the Italian gonzo, meaning foolish. The OED defines the adjective form of “gonzo” as “designating a style of subjective journalism characterized by factual distortion and exaggerated rhetoric . . . bizarre, crazy” and the noun form as “a person who writes in this style.”[n.3] The word has been used, in the United States at least, to sell everything from pizza to Muppets to motorcycles (Pollak 1975),[n.4] and it is commonly understood by people who have never heard of Hunter S. Thompson to mean “crazy, off the wall, out of control.”( ... ) However, in an article tracing the word’s etymology, Martin Hirst discounts Cardoso’s guess,[n.6] and in any case, “shining path” doesn’t seem to describe Thompson’s writing, which more often assumes the form of a “savage journey,” as the subtitle of Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas suggests. Another Thompson biographer, Peter O. Whitmer, claims that Gonzo was a term that the “South Boston Irish used to describe the guts and stamina of the last man standing at the end of a marathon drinking bout.”[n.7] Given the subject of Thompson’s “The Kentucky Derby Is Decadent and Depraved,” this definition seems to correlate most closely to Cardoso’s reaction. Thompson himself has explained that he understood “gonzo” to be “some Boston word for weird, bizarre.”8 William McKeen explains that another possible origin for the word is a New Orleans instrumental tune with which Thompson was familiar.9 “From the first,” Tamony notes, the word “seems to have denoted ‘brash, importunate, flamboyant,’” a fair description of Thompson’s journalism.[n.10] Tamony correctly asserts that the “earliest use [of “Gonzo”] linked the word with drugs and journalism,”[n.11] but the journalistic method of reporting, writing, and editing that Gonzo specifically describes does not necessarily require that the writer be, as Thompson notoriously often was, under the influence of mind-altering substances.In a letter to Jim Silberman of Random House, Thompson confessed that he had mostly fabricated the depiction of drug use in Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas.[n.12] Tamony hedges the drug issue when he says that the term has come to denote a style of journalism rather than just Thompson’s specific work,[n.13] which raises the obvious question: can similar techniques employed by other journalists appropriately be categorized as “Gonzo”? Examining the term in its fullest context, I would suggest that there’s only one true Gonzo journalist, and that’s Hunter S. Thompson.In an article published in the short-lived Scanlan’s Monthly in 1970, Thompson presented his first experiment with a new style of journalism, “The Kentucky Derby Is Decadent and Depraved.” The Derby story introduces several elements that would become characteristic of Thompson's Gonzo journalism:
(1) the presence of a first-person, autobiographical narrator who assumes the role of protagonist;
(2) the participation of a male bonding figure, in this case illustrator Ralph Steadman, who, like Oscar Zeta Acosta would later do in Las Vagas, plays the role of Thompson's comic foil;
(3) the change of focus from the ostensible subject, the Derby itself, to Thompson's failed return to his hometown, Louisville, Kentucky, to face his personal demons;
(4) and, finally, Thompson's agonized struggle to produce a finished article by deadline. After a frenzied bout of hard drinking and a prolonged dark night of the soul among Louisville's Blueblood elite, Thompson confesses he had "blown my mind, couldn't work. ..." [n.14] McKeen explains that Thompson's narrative "was only ^fairly^ coherent because, under deadline pressure, Hunter broke from the narrative and started sending the editors scrawled pages ripped from his journal: half-formed thoughts, sketches, semi-lucid notes."[n.15]
In a "Techincal Guide to Editing Gonzo," Robert Love demonstrates Thompson's legendary practice of transmitting unedited copy via his Mojo Wire to hapless editors who scrambled to make sense of it all.[n.16] Upon the Derby story's publication, Cardoso, impressed with the results, wrote to Thompson, praising the piece as "pure Gonzo journalism," the first use of the word to describe a journalistic style.[n.17]At least two figures in Thompson’s life claimed to have co-created gonzo journalism: Oscar Zeta Acosta, author, activist, and the prototype for the Samoan attorney in Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, and artist Ralph Steadman, mentioned earlier. In a letter to Playboy Forum, Acosta insists that his direct participation in the infamous journey that inspired Thompson to write Vegas contributed to the creation of Thompson’s Gonzo style.[n.18] Steadman contends in his memoir of Thompson, The Joke’s Over, that his drawings were as much a part of the original Gonzo reading experience as Thompson’s prose.19 Of the two, Steadman, whose work will always be closely associated with Thompson’s, has the better claim, having illustrated the “Kentucky Derby” story, the first bona fide Gonzo text.A number of critics and journalists have helped provide us with a comprehensive understanding of Gonzo journalism. McKeen writes that Gonzo “requires virtually no rewriting, with the reporter and the quest for information the focal point. Notes, sketches from other articles, transcribed interviews, verbatim telephone conversations, telegrams—these are the elements of a piece of Gonzo journalism.”20 Jesse Jarnow adds that “as a literary style, [Gonzo] had two main tenets: total subjectivity and a first-draft/best-draft approach that jibed perfectly with the post-Beatnik literary world of the late 1960s.”21 In his “jacket copy” for Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, Thompson has claimed that Gonzo is based partly on William Faulkner’s observation that the best fiction is truer than fact.22 Thompson’s best-known work of Gonzo journalism is Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas: A Savage Journey to the Heart of the American Dream, a crazed account of dune-buggy races, district attorneys, and massive substance abuse in Sin City in 1971. Thompson later confessed that he regarded Vegas as a failed experiment in Gonzo journalism because he had to revise his prose to create the effect of raw spontaneity,23 and yet, as multiple interviews testify, he defined Gonzo differently at different times. In a way, Thompson seemed stuck with a label that he didn’t create and that he could never completely define.Seen from one perspective, Gonzo reflects Thompson’s iconic, drug-slugging lifestyle, full of “fear and loathing” and “bad craziness.” Gonzo is also a mode of perception in the sense that the deliberate derangement of the senses through drugs and alcohol de-familiarizes reality, opening the door to paradoxically clearer perceptions, a twisted perspective evoked so perfectly by Steadman’s grotesquely expressionistic caricatures. Gonzo is also a narrative technique, a form of subjective, participatory literary journalism that places the narrator in the center of the narrative while it spontaneously records a dark reality, often fabricated. Gonzo also describes Thompson’s style, employing a verb-driven, “running” syntax, as well as digressions, metaphors, fragments, allusions, ellipses, abrupt transitions, and gaps, all of which modelthe narrator’s feelings of desperation, degradation, and despair. As Thompson frequently maintained, Gonzo also represents a commitment he shared with George Orwell “to make political writing into an art,”24 an expression of his leftist-anarchist politics, best exemplified perhaps by Fear and Loathing: On the Campaign Trail ’72. Gonzo is even a kind of journalistic ethic, as Thompson told P. J. O’Rourke: “If I’m going to go into the fantastic, I have to have a firm grounding in the truth. Otherwise, everything I write about politics might be taken as a hallucination.”25 Finally, Gonzo was a way for Thompson to differentiate himself from other New Journalists of the same era—Wolfe, Mailer, Didion. As Thompson related to one interviewer, “I just thought if I’m going to be a journalist, I might as well be my own kind.”[n.26]
The traditional role of a journalist has often been that of an objective outsider who simply observes and reports a newsworthy event, not an active participant in or instigator of that event. A responsible journalist could still express personal thoughts and other subjective observations, but there needs to be a clear separation between the reporting journalist and the event itself. This journalistic philosophy does not hold true, however, in a radical form of news reporting known as gonzo journalism.In gonzo journalism, a journalist is free to participate in events and circumstances which may themselves be considered newsworthy. A gonzo journalist can actively participate in a political candidate's campaign without making any effort to appear politically neutral or unbiased. Indeed, one of the hallmarks of gonzo journalism is an almost complete personal immersion into the world a gonzo journalist ultimately wishes to expose or record for posterity.While a traditional journalist might interview drug dealers or drug addicts for an expose on the local drug trade, for example, a gonzo journalist may actually participate in the shady deals and backroom exploits of a drug kingpin or a local gang. The purpose of gonzo journalism would be to produce a brutally honest or highly subjective journalistic piece based on the real experience of a trained reporter writing from the inside. A gonzo journalist is not necessarily protected from law enforcement efforts, so even the legal ramifications of the journalist's actions could become part of the news story.Perhaps the most famous gonzo journalist was the late Hunter S. Thompson, a self-styled renegade reporter who frequently wrote pieces for Rolling Stone magazine while living a no-holds-barred personal lifestyle. Ostensibly assigned to cover the 1972 presidential campaign, for example, Thompson instead chose to deviate from the campaign trail and report on his own drug and alcohol-fueled adventures. His book Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail has since become a classic example of gonzo journalism.Critics of gonzo journalism consider the practice to be little more than sanctioned hedonism. Responsible journalists should not take it upon themselves to instigate news items or become completely immersed in the very culture or circumstances they have been assigned to observe. Gonzo journalists are a rare breed of writer, often possessing larger-than-life personalities and a "gonzo" or go-for-broke approach to the subject at hand.While some reporters may choose to explore "participatory journalism" under the strict guidance and supervision of a superior, gonzo journalists often take it upon themselves to experience the event on a personal level first, then rework their observations into acceptable journalistic form later. While a magazine or newspaper may underwrite some of the gonzo journalist's expenses while on assignment, a true gonzo journalist is keenly aware that he or she is working without a net.
2014년 9월 10일 수요일
[발췌] <모비딕>과 사귐의 세계관
(5) In Chapter 89, "Fast-Fish and Loose-Fish," Melville differentiates between whales that are the possession of those who are fast to them and whales that remain "fair game" for anyone who can catch them. Claiming that these two whaling principles demonstrate the "fundamentals of all human jurisprudence[,]" he uses them to critique social inequities and global imperialism, and ends the chapter by asking, "What [are] all men's minds and opinions but Loose-Fish?" and then interrogating the reader: "And what are you, reader, but a Loose-Fish and a Fast-Fish, too?" In doing so, he points to how we are all already possessed by certain ideologies and discursive formations and yet are still fair game to be captured by new ideologies and ways of seeing. In appropriating his analogy here, I am noting the two kinds of effect that reading a book like Moby-Dick can have: we can be held in thrall by Melville's powerful rhetorical arguments, but these very arguments can also act to free us from previously held beliefs and open us up to new ways of thinking, which, in turn, can similarly hold us fast.CF. http://callmeishmael.org/2009/01/11/chapter-89-fast-fish-and-loose-fish/
CF. http://www.albertleatribune.com/2012/09/are-you-a-fast-fish-or-are-you-a-loose-fish/
CF. http://www.williamlanday.com/2011/01/10/fast-fish-and-loose-fish/
※ 발췌:
1492년 콜럼버스가 자기 황제와 황후를 위한 표시로 스페인 국기를 꽂았을 때 아메리카는 놓친 고래가 아니고 무엇인가? 폴란드는 러시아 황제에게 무엇이고, 그리스는 터키 사람에게 무엇이며, 인도는 영국에게 무엇이겠는가? 합중국에게 멕시코가 무엇이 되겠는가. 모두 놓친 고래인 셈이다.
인간의 권리와 세계의 자유, 그것도 놓친 고래가 아니고 뭔가? 모든 인간의 마음과 사상은 놓친 고래다. 그들이 갖는 종교적 신념의 원리 또한 놓친 고래가 아니고 무엇인가? 으스대며 표절을 일삼는 달변가에게 철학자의 사상은 놓친 고래가 아니고 무엇이겠는가? 이 커다란 지구 자체가 놓친 고래라는 것쯤 누구나 알지 않는가? 그리고 독자 여러분 역시 놓친 고래인 동시에 잡힌 고래 아니고 무엇인가? (381)
그럼에도 불구하고 제국주의 침략과 강탈의 산물인 미국은 유럽적 뿌리를 갖고 있는 까닭에 유럽의 근대를 출발시킨 르네상스의 기독교도 중심의 인본주의 전통을 계승하고 있었다. 기독교/이교, 문명/야만, 이성/감성, 선/악 등의 이항 대립의 차별적 이식은 기독교 문명이 사악한 이교도들을 계몽시키기 위해 '하느님의 이름으로' 행하는 정복, 강탈, 착취 따위를 정당화했고, 이를 개척적으로 수행할 근대적 주체인 백인 남성을 정점으로 하는 남성/여성, 백인/유색인으로부터 나아가 주인/노예로 발전했다. 관념적 차원에서 인간과 세계에 대한 위계적 인식은 그 객체화된 대상을 효율적으로 파악할 수 있도록 했고, '아는 것이 곧 권력'이라는 인식은 근대적 주체로서 이성적 사유를 할 수 있는 백인 남성은 하위 범주에 속하는 존재들을 소유하고 지배하는 주인이 되었던 것이다. 이들은 하나님으로부터 세계를 계몽할 권한을 부여받은 자기 책무의 즐거운 고행을 "백인 남성의 짐(whiteman's burden)"이라고 표현하면서, 정치 권역, 경제, 성, 인종적 지배와 약탈의 체제를 대내외적으로 구조화해 나갔다. 이스마엘의 미국은 다음과 같이 묘사된다.
오늘날 아메리카 포경업에서 고급 선원들을 제외하고 수많은 하급 선원의 두 명 중 한 사람도 아메리카 태생은 없다. 포경업의 이런 정황은 아메리카 육군, 해군, 상선, 또는 운하며 철도 건설에 종사하는 인부 집단과 마찬가지 상황이었다. 마찬가지라는 것은 이런 방면에서 순수한 아메리카 사람은 사실상 두뇌를 제공하고, 다른 세계에서 온 사람들은 근육을 풍부하게 제공하는 형편이기 때문이다. (127)피부색과 태생에 따른 먹이사슬 피라미드 식 서열화는 그대로 노동시장의 약육강식으로 적용되었다. 그 최정점에 있는 계급은 WASP(White Anglo-Saxon Protestant)였다. 이들의 설교에 따라 근대 국가 미국은 스스로 독자적 이념의 창조자이자 파급 주체가 되었다. "설교단이 이 세상의 최선두를 차지하고, 모든 나머지들은 뒤에서 따르는 것이요, 그 설교단이 세계를 선도하는"(56) 것이다. 미국 독립 이후 일어난 독립 도미노 여상은 미주 지역에서 유럽 제국들의 힘의 균형을 어긋나게 만들었고, 설교단에 선 미국은 본격적으로 영토 확장 사업에 뛰어든다. 그 대표적 사례는 1842년 미국-멕시코 전쟁을 통한 텍사스 병합이었다. 당시 대통령이었던 존 타일러(John Tyler)는 이를 정당화하기 위해 대내외적으로 먼로 독트린을 설교했다. 이와 같이 미국은 자기들 영토 확장과 세력권 확대를 위해서 무차별 학살과 점령을 일삼았는데, 이는 "민주주의 확산," 신의 뜻을 이루는 "명백한 운명(Manifest Destiny)" 따위로 포장됐다. 그랫 아널드 슈처(Arnold Schuchter)는 "인본주의적 목표 수립의 껍데기 말과 과정에 있어 미국은 수사적으로 강박되어 있다"면서, 그 예로 명백한 운명, 사회 선교, 공산주의로부터 아시아의 보호 따위를 들고, 언제나 "이런 목표들과 폭력적으로 모순되는 결과의 눈가림에 강박되어 있다"(Schwartz and Disch 재인용 4)고 설명한다.
3. 축복받은 미국과 저주받은 미국
미국에 온다고 모두 미국 시민이 되는 것은 아니었다. 거기서 종교, 출신, 피부색에 따라 분류된다. 특히 인간/짐승에 버금가는 미국인/노예의 구분은 뛰어넘을 수 없는 장벽이었다. 노예는 가축과 똑같이 매매되고, 쟁기를 끄는 소처럼 부려졌다. 미국인들이 '특유의 제도(peculiar institution)'이라고 에둘러 표현했던 재산 노예제(chatter slavery)는 근대인의 욕망의 산물이었던 것이다. 노예제의 감옥을 벗어나더라도 유색인은 어김없이 하나님의 감옥에 갇혀야 했다. 마찬가지로 <모비딕>의 미국인 피쿼드 호에 승선하기 위해서는 이런 검색을 거쳐야 한다. 승선 계약을 앞두고 선두 빌대드(Bildad)가 남태평양 코코보코 섬 출신 작살잡이 퀴컥에게 교회 소속을 증명하라고 하자, 궁지에 몰린 이스마엘은 신에 경배 드리는 전 세계의 위대하고 영원한 최초의 집회에 우리 모두가 속해 있다고 주장한다. "우리들 중 일부만 기이한 변덕을 부려 그 장엄한 신앙에 도달하지 못하지요. 그 장엄한 믿음 안에서 우리 모두 손잡은 겁니다"(100)하고 둘러대며 상황을 모면한다.
( ... ... )
[에이헙]은 모비딕이라는 흰 고래 턱 밑에까지 갔다가 다리 한 쪽을 잃었고, 고래의 턱뼈로 의족을 했다. 그로부터 에이헙은 개인적 경험과 인식의 투사로서 창조된 상(像; 주관적 표상)인 "헤아릴 수 없는 악,"(167) "만져지지 않는 악"(185)을, 한 배를 탄 모두가 정복해야 할 사명으로 확대시켜 나간다. 그는 "근대 기독교도들이 세상의 절반이 그의 지배에 속한다"(185)고 믿었던 일체의 악을 "가시적으로 인성화했고, 모비딕을 실제 공격 가능한 대상으로 만들었던"(186) 것이다.
( ... ... )
4. 정복의 논리와 공존의 논리
5. 다시 여는 말─사귐의 세계관
...
2014년 9월 5일 금요일
[발췌: D. Graeber's] Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology (2004)
2014년 9월 3일 수요일
[발췌: R.V.Kozinets's] Can Consumer Escape the Market? (2002)
This ethnography explores the emancipatory dynamics of the Burning Man project, a one-week-long antimarket event. Practices used at Burning Man to distance consumers from the market include discourses supporting communality and disparaging market logics, alternative exchange practices, and positioning consumption as self-expressive art. Findings reveal several communal practices that distance consumption from broader rhetorics of efficiency and rationality. Although Burning Man's participants materially support the market, they successfully construct a temporary hypercommunity from which to practice divergent social logics. Escape from the market, if possible at all, must be conceived of as similarly temporary and local.
After all the plans, dreaming, and anticipation, on August 31, 1999, I veer and bump my rented blue Malibu across deep desert scars, steering it into a stretch of Nevada desert nestled within a ring of mountains. As the Black Rock Desert's powdery dust swirls a distinctive alkali smell into m nostrils for the first time, I use my Visa card at the gate to purchase a $110 ticket. This charge is more than a three-day adult pass to Walt Disney World, and the fact that I am purchasing it on my Visa card seems inconsistent with Burning Man's acclaimed status as a noncommercial event. Yet Burning Man's organizers justify the high price of the tickets by reference to government payments and the good of the Burning Man community. They emphasize that a not-for-profit, mainly volunteer, limited liability corporation runs Burning Man and justify their acceptance of Visa cards through an egalitarian appeal to accessibility and convenience. Yet the easy ka-ching at the gate makes me suspect that I'm entering a new adult theme park rather than the site of the new revolution. My sense of Burning Man as entertainment changes a bit as I read the ticket, which states the risks and rules of the event: "You voluntarily assume the risk of serious injury or death by attending this event. You must bring enough food, water, shelter and first aid to ^survive^ one week in a harsh desert environment. Commercial vending, firearms, fireworks, rockets and all other explosives prohibited. ... this is not a consumer event. Leave nothing behind when you leave the site. Participant only. No spectators."
( ... ... ) The burning of the Man is the central and uniting metaphor of the festival, one based on purification through fire. Participants are encouraged to consider an act of transference onto the Burning Man by concentrating , while the effigy is burning, on what they would like to eliminate in their lives, what they came to burn. On Saturday night the festival reaches its apogee when the Man is set ablaze, loaded with pyrotechnics. Masses of people drum and dance around its burning form, celebrating wildly, often until dawn.
( ... ... )
Burning Man has been conceived by its organizers as an experimental project that seeks to temporarily create an experience of caring human contact in a society "whose economic and technological dynamic attrits and intrudes upon the integrity of the cultural process" (Harvey 1997). It began in 1985, when Jerry James and Larry Harvey, took a small group of bohemian friends to San Francisco's Baker Beach to burn an eight foot tall figure of a man they had made out of wood (Harvey 1997; Stein 2000). As Harvey (1997) recalls it, at that first event everyone on the beach came running at the moment the man flamed upㅡ"suddenly, our numbers tripled." People began to perform, playing guitar, singing and dancing spontaneously. "What we had instantly created was a community" (Harvey 1997). After holding the event on Baker Beach annually for several years, attracting more people and attention each time, the event (along with the physical dimensions of the Man) grew so large that it was officially banned from the site. In 1990, Harvey and friends moved the event to the Black Rock Desert in Nevada: "4oo square miles of nothing" (Harvey 1997). What began in 1990 with "60 people, maybe 80 people" (Harvey 1997) had grown by 2000 to an event that attracted 26,000. Burning Man 1999's attendees were, on average, 30.5 years old. 64% were male, 61% lived in the state of California, and 37% lived in the Bay Area. ( ... ... )
( ... ... ) With participants exhibiting a strong sense of identity as Burning Man participants ( ... ), sharing rituals such as burning the Man and traditions such as self-expressive participation, and affecting a remarkably strong civic engagement in their temporary city, Burning Man easily passes the threshold for the "three core components or markers of community" laid out by Muniz and O'Guinn (2001, p. 412)
THEORY
( ... ... )
ETHNOGRAPHIC THEMES
Burning Man is a weeklong communal gathering that alters participants' consumption meanings and practices through discourse, rules, and practice. The entire community's consumption experiences are socially constructed as distanced from, even outside of, consumer culture and the market. To achieve this, several discursive acts and ritual practices are employed. These acts are as follows. First, prevalent discourse about marketing, corporate greed, and passive consumption attempts to discharge the threat of consumer culture and to argue that Burning Man is an effective, albeit temporary, antidote to it. Second, marketplace logics that usually drive acquisition of goods and services are constructed as absent within the borders of Burning Man through the employment of alternative exchange modes. Finally, as Burning Man participants produce a variety of consumption experiences for one another, they attempt to re-enchant or "re-mystify" the social world (Barber 1995; Weber 1978) by discursively constructing a myriad of forms of production and consumption as forms of self-expressive art. By positioning production and consumption as expressive rather than productive, the rational efficiency motive that drives marketplaces production is discursively disabled, and opportunities for re-enchantment emerge. Through these practices of discursively neutralizing marketing and corporate greed, enacting alternative exchange practices, and re-enchanting production and consumption by relating it in discourse and practice to art, various products and services are effectively disarticulated from market logics and rearticulated onto communal ethos and subcultural ideologies. These discursive and enacted consumption practices are explored in the following sections.
Discursively Positioning Burning Man's Community against the Market
In this section, we explore discourse used to separate communally oriented consumption from negative characteristics ascribed to the market. To do so, we begin with a brief historical genealogy. In 1987, several members of a San Francisco neo-anarchist group named the Cacophony Society became affiliated with Burning Man and, in 1990, suggested the successful relocation to the Black Rock Desert. Beginning as reincarnation of a club based on a class of San Francisco's Communiversity, the Cacophony Society was dedicated to staging and performing strange, edgy events. Those early, cacophony-inspired years of Burning Man were a pyomaniacal anarchy without rules. In attempts over the ensuing years to improve and manage the rapidly growing event, the event's organizers increasingly encoded social norms in rules that they publicized in written, broadcast, and Web-based communications. The result is an event structured by rules. The local volunteer police force, the Rangers, enforces the rules. They are trained to be diplomatic but can and do use expulsion and physical force. ( ... ... )
Emphasizing the No Vending Rule. As of 2000, the rules most often mentioned included No Spectators (an injunction to participate), Radical Self-Expression, Radical Self-Reliance, Piss Clear (an indicator that body hydration has been maintained by drinking water frequently), and Leave No Trace (ecological responsibility for removing your own garbage). The rule most important to this investigation is the No Vending Rule, which forbids any type of selling by participants at the event. In the opening edition of the ^Black Rock City Gazette^ for Burning Man 1999, the rules against vending were extended to include suggestions to "mask, hide or disguise the eye-sore logos that get in our faces constantly and without our consent when we are in the 'normal world' " (Fang 1999, p. 1). These injunctions against commerce and displaying brand names are ubiquitous at Burning Man, posted on public signs, publicized in documents, mentioned frequently.
To understand the purposes that the No Vending rule and its Mask the Brand Names extension fulfill, we must explore the connection between markets and what Burning Man organizers and participants term "community". This relation is apparent in the five signs of a community published in the Burning Man Organization's (2000) most important document, the required reading "Survival Guide."
- The first sign of a community is mutual recognition of each member's unique abilities versus the tendency of "commerce and the public sector [to] define us on the basis of deficiency and need" (Burning Man Organization 2000).
- The second sign is cooperative, collective effort, as opposed to being "made passive" when consuming a service or being part of a mass market that consumes or views "in complete isolation from one another" (Burning Man Organization 2000).
- Lack of persuasion and overt exploitation is the third sign, in which transactions take place without money, advertising, or hype.
- Local myths or the use of stories as opposed to the use of formal business reports is the fourth sign.
- The fifth sign is a spirit of celebration in which, because of its intensely social character, "the line between work and play is blurred" (Burning Man Organization 2000).
( ... ... )
Using Metaphors and Meanings of Consumption. ( ... ... )
Burning Man Contrasted with Disneyland and Woodstock. ( ... ... )
Distancing by Keeping the Market in Mind. ( ... ... )
Burning Man's organizers and participants' critiques of consumer culture draw on concepts familiar from Marxism, critical theory, cultural studies, and postmodern market critiques. In some sense, emic familiarity with apparently etic concepts helps account for the sense that Burning Man deliberately explores the "long recognized and central tension of modernity" between the individualism of contemporary society and its underlying conformity (Muniz and O'Guinn 2001, p. 428). ( ... )
( ... ... )
( ... ... ) The discourse creates the sense of a place different from everyday society, a more untainted psychic location for self-transformation and social experimentation. It is as if by keeping the market centered u=in the cultural crosshairs, its alleged evils will be exorcised. An important way this discourse is reinforced and turned into practice is though Burning Man's gift economy.
Altering Social Relations with Alternative Modes of Exchange
( ... ... )
Gift Giving at Burning Man. In 1999 and 2000, attending the event entailed many gift-giving and gift-receiving practices. Considerable discursive treatment was devoted to the importance of the gift to Burning Man's communal experience. The "Survival Guide" states that "Black Rock City is a place of sharing and free exchange within a gift economy" (Burning Man Organization 2000). Gifts central to Burning Man's gift economy are the free entertainment services that, in toto, constitute the Burning Man experience. Other than the Burning of the Man, the urban planning, the Central Cafe, the Ranger police force, medical services, and the cleanup, there are few centrally organized activities. Everything else is created and donated by participants. Communal gifts included frequent staged public performances at hundreads of different theme camps, as well as rave and other dance clubs, many with very sophiscated constructions and expensive sound and light systems. Although most theme camps provided free servicesㅡsuch as free massages, interactive art experiences, bondage and domination rituals, and suntan oil applicationㅡother offered free goods. Many bars offered alcohol, usually for free, but sometimes bartered. The Midnight Popcorn Camp offered free fresh-popped and flavored popcorn at midnight every evening.
At Burning Man 2000, a nude and glowing with glitter young couple explained to me that they saw their naked, glittering bodies as temporary work of art that they gave to the community. ( ... ) However, as the following excerpt from my fieldnotes indicates, there is an interesting reciprocity involved. Not only thanks, but also powerful motivators of attention, status, and prestige are being exchanged. ( ... ... )
Decommodifying, Sacralizing, and Enhancing Community. ( ... ... )
Personalizing and Reducing Social Isolation. ( ... ... )
Competition and Reciprocation in Gift Giving. ( ... ... )
Creating Community through Changing Exchange. Burning Man's organizers encourage and enforce alternative exchange practices. People have been forcibly ejected from the event for selling hamburgers, T-shirts, and other things. Organizers and participants construct alternative modes of exchange as providing alternative social relations that are superior to or purer than market logics. Their superiority evaluations hinge on the involvement of more personalized interactions, which encourage the mutuality that builds a sense of caring, sharing communality. Although brands and commodity goods are the raw material of the Burning Man experience, the decommodifying rituals of nonmonetary exchange seem to overwhelm the commercial nature of the brand and create a communal atmosphere held to be apart from the market. This is the second type of social practice that is used to distance consumers and consumption from the market. ( ... ... )
Re-enchanting by Associating Everyday Consumption with Art
The Connection between Caring Community and Art. ( ... ... )
Art as Invitation to Self-Expression and Transformation. ( ... ... )
Art Socially Constructed as Distanced from Market and Corporate Logics. ( ... ... )
Promethean Struggles between Communities and Markets. ( ... ... )
Re-enchanting Community through Art and Expression. ( ... ... )
DISCUSSION
( ... ... )