2018년 3월 31일 토요일

외서신간: 화폐// -Geld-, Für eine non-monetäre Ökonomie (2017)

출처: Stefan Heidenreich 지음. -Geld-, Für eine non-monetäre Ökonomie, Merve Verlag, Berlin, 2017.

출처 1: Geert Lovink, "Imagine there’s no money: dialogue between Stefan Heidenreich & Geert Lovink", Mar 2018.

출처 2: "For a Non-Money Economy": Excerpts from Stefan Heidenreich's new book on the post-currency future. 09.12.2017.

※ 발췌 (excerpt):

"컴퓨터 네트워크들이 거대해지고 모든 지불 행위를 처리하기에 충분할 만큼 빨라지면, 기술적인 면에서 알고리즘으로 화폐의 기능을 모방할 수 있다. 우리는 지금 바로 이 문턱에 도달한 상태고, 몇 년 내에 그 문턱을 넘어설 공산이 크다."

As mentioned, economic forms without money are not entirely new. Before the rise of money, larger economic units were administered by systems of inscription. Their remains are not only found in the ruins of temples, but also in the myths of guilt or debt(Schuld) in many religions. ( ... )

Historically speaking, economic relationships did not begin with exchange and certainly not with payment. What came first was giving, helping, and lending. Property was unknown. In small village communities, memory was sufficient to keep track, more or less, of who gave what to whom.

It was only with the introduction of writing that larger economic units began to be organized over a longer term. ( ... )
Money only came later. In a strictly technical sense, money is not a medium but a technique that uses all sorts of media to make notes transportable─and the process is read-only. For the economy, this meant that money was a fundamental innovation, for it converted the simple transaction of the gift into a symmetrical exchange. ( ... )

Peer-to-peer currencies and crypto-currencies are nothing fundamentally new to this system. Bitcoins are still a form of money, even if separated from a central institution. On the path towards the abolition of money, they merely represent a detour. The principle of payment itself is maintained by digital and peer-to-peer payment systems. They simply reproduce old money on the new-media foundation of a distributed network. This corresponds to the first step of a media transformation.

In media theory since Marshall McLuhan, it has been a commonplace to state that newly developed media are first used to reproduce old content. Media transformations often take place in two phases. First, there is a reproduction of the old in the new: in the case at hand, Bitcoin is the internet’s replication of money. Only in the second phase will it become clear what kind of new life the new medium can develop. This step is still to come for money. It will lie in the takeover of economic functions of money by way of intelligent networks.

The most important thing about peer-to-peer currencies is the architecture in the background, the so-called blockchain. This represents the foundation for a decentralized technique of administration by which transactions can be communicated anonymously and examined by anyone. The technique works for money just as well as for other moneyless and decentralized systems of notation. Therefore, the blockchain represents a possible building block for an economy after money.

출처 3: http://www.stefanheidenreich.de/non-monetaere-oekonomie/


2018년 3월 27일 화요일

Dic: like in informal usage// "Let’s, Like, Demolish Laundry."


  • Let’s, Like, Demolish Laundry.
  • Our social media went crazy, like, ‘Oh my God, Washio is the best!’
  • And I'm not, like, very materialistic at all.
  • I'm thinking to myself, like, 'Wow, there's a lot of life I'm sacrificing to live in this country.'
.... Jessica Pressler, “Let’s, Like, Demolish Laundry”

─ Usage: ^like^ has many uses in informal speech, esp. in the speech of young people. It is commonly used to emphasize a word or phrase.
  • He was, like, gorgeous.
  • (chiefly Brit) He was gorgeous, like.

It is used in a way that shows you are not sure or confident about what you are saying.
  • I need to, like, borrow money.
  • Her father is, like, a scientist or something.
  • I think it costs, like, 20 dollars.

In very informal speech in U.S. English, it is used with the verb ^be^ to say what someone thinks, says, etc.
  • She was telling me what to do and I was like [= I was thinking], "Mind your own business."
  • She was like, "Are you sure you want to do this?" and I was like "Yeah, why not?" [= She said, "Are you sure you want to do this?" and I said, "Yeak, why not?"]
  • He's always criticizing everyone but it's like, "Who cares what he thinks?" [= he's always criticizing everyone but no one cares what he thinks]

2018년 3월 25일 일요일

발췌: Andrei, Wright// Marketplace or Reseller? (2014)

출처: Andrei Hagiu and Julian Wright, "Marketplace or reseller?", 2014.

※ 발췌 (excerpt):


Intermediaries can choose between functioning as a marketplace (on which suppliers sell their products directly to buyers) or as a reseller (purchasing products from suppliers and selling them to buyers). We model this as a decision between whether control rights over a non-contractible decision variable (the choice of some marketing activity) are better held by suppliers (the marketplace-mode) or by the intermediary (the reseller-mode). Whether the marketplace or the reseller mode is preferred depends on whether independent suppliers or the intermediary have more important information relevant to the optimal tailoring of marketing activities for each specific product. We show that this tradeoff is shited towards the reseller-mode when marketing activities create spillovers across products and when network effect lead to unfavorable expectations about supplier participation. ( ... ... )

2018년 3월 24일 토요일

발췌: M. Rysman// The Economics of Two-Sided Markets (2009)

출처: Rysman, Marc. 2009. "The Economics of Two-Sided Markets." Journal of Economic Perspectives, 23 (3): 125-43.

※ 발췌 (excerpt):


Broadly speaking, a two-sided market is one in which 1) two sets of agents interact through an intermediary or platform, and 2) the decisions of each set of agents affects the outcomes of the other set of agents, typically through an externality. In the case of a video game system, for instance Playstation, the intermediary is the console producer--Sony--while the two sets of agents are consumers and video game developers. Neither consumers nor game developers will be interested in the Playstation if the other party is not. Similarly, a successful payment card requires both consumer usage and merchant acceptance, where both consumers and merchants value each others' participation.

Many more products fit into this paradigm, such as search engines, newspapers, and almost any advertiser-supported media (examples in which consumers typcally negatively value, rather than positively value, the participation of the other side), as well as most software or title-based operating systems and consumer electronics.

This paper seeks to explain what two-sided markets are and why they interest economists. I discuss strategies that firms typically consider, and I highlighted a number of puzzing outcomes fromthe perspective of the economics of two-sided markets. ( ... ... )

( ... ... ) Malls which seek retailers and consumers, convention organizers which seek buyers and sellers, dating services which seek men and women, and ^The Journal of Economic Perspectives^ which seeks content and readership, all experience the economics of two-sided markets. The multi-sided nature of many Internet and high-technology markets, as well as new payment systems and media outlets, suggest that two-sided and multi-sided markets are becoming increasingly important.

( ... ... )

What Defines a Two-Sided Market?

( ... ... )

Of course, one-sided markets have intermediaries, too. For example, consider a farmer that sells a product to a grocery store once and does not otherwise interact with the grocer. The grocer then picks a retail price based on inventory and demand. In this one-sided market, the farmer collects the wholesale price and is then indifferent to the success of the grocer in actually selling the good. The distinguishing feature in this case is whether the seller is paid based on the success of the platform with the buying side.[주]1  Strikingly, one-sided and two-sided selling strategies exist side-by-side at Amazon.com. For some products, like certain new books, Amazon (basically) buys at a wholesale price and sells for a retail price, which is a one-sided model. But for many other products, Amazon provides a web portal for a producer that sets the retail price that a consumer would see. As this distinction often depends on the decisions of the intermediary rather than on purely technological features of the market, it may be better to use the term "two-sided strategies" rather than "two-sided markets." Regardless, hwo Amazon makes this choice about whether to be one-sided or two-sided is an important question for this literature.

This definition of a two-sided market may seem very broad, or overly inclusive. That is not a problem in my view. The interesting question is often not whether a market can be defined as two-sided--virtually all markets might be two-sided to some extent--but how important two-sided issues are in determining outcomes of interest. For instance, if an auto manufacturer sells many products in a single neighborhood, local mechanics may develop expertise in that type of car, which encourages further sales by the manufacturer in the future. Hence, the market for autos could be viewed as two-sided because manufactureres must attract both consumers and mechanic expertise. At present, even if such a network effect exists, it seems of little importance either in the minds of market participants or in determining market outcomes. That is, although two-sidedness may exist in practically all markets, it is not always quantitatively important. ( ... ... )

The emphasis on market intermediaries is the main distinction between the literature on two-sided markets and the literature on network effects, and on indirect network effects in particular. The definitions are similar: a good exhibits an indirect network effect if demand for the good depends on the provision of a complementary good, which in turn depends on demand for the original good (for ex., Church and Grandal, 1992; Chou and Shy, 1990). Indeed, in a technical sense, the literature on two-sided markets could be seen as a subset of the literature on network effects.[주]2  However, papers on two-sided markets tend to focus on the actions of the market intermediary, particularly pricing choices, whereas papes on network effects typically focus on adoption by users and optimal network size. ( ... ... )

2018년 3월 20일 화요일

Dic: 탐색 // warden과 서구 중세사회

출처 1: American Heritage

 (1) The chief administrative official of a prison.
 (2) An official charged with the enforcement of certain laws and regulations:  ex) an air raid warden.
 (3) Chiefly BrE.
   (a) The chief executive official in charge of a port or market.
   (b) Any of various crown officers having administrative duties.
   (c) One of the governing officials of certain colleges, schools, guilds, or hospitals; a trustee.
 (4) The chief executive of a borough in certain states.
 (5) A churchwarden.

출처 2: http://www.masonicdictionary.com/warden.html

"Ward" is of Medieval origin, having been used in early English, French, German,etc., always in the sense of [guarding] something, a meaning preserved in warden, guard, guardian, wary, ware, ward, etc. ( ... ... )

출처 3: Medieval Society and the Manor Court (Zvi Razi, Richard Michael Smith | Clarendon Press, 1996)

( ... ... ) In reality as in the statutes, the warden was deeply involved in the management of the college's estates and required a considerable degree of technical expertise.[주]12  Long-serving warden like Peter of Abingdon (1264-86), John of Wantage (fellow 1291-9, warden 1299-1328), and Robert of Tring (fellow 1313-28, warden 1328-51) must have acquired a detalied knowledge of a wide range of agricultural and tenurial matters.[주]13  One of the warden's main duties was to visit the college's manors each year to assess the harvest. It was this statutory annual visitation, often supplemented by further visits in the course of the year, which provied a constant framework for the personal transaction of business between the warden and the college's tenants. This recurring if sporadic personal contact between the warden and even the lowliest tenants at Thorncroft is a marked characteristic of the college's relationship with the peasant community, and it derived from the college's institutional nature. ( ... ... )

There can be no doubt that the warden was present in person at some sessions of the court. On 3 February 1289 for example it was recorded that 'Luke Tailor came to this court and did fealty before the warden for the tenement which he claims to hold of the said warden'. ( ... ... )

출처 4: What did people do in a Medieval City?

Government Occupations

These are the people who run things. They keep society moving smoothly, if they're good at what they do, and can bring society to a crunching halt, if they're not. Rife for corruption, government officials can play a significant role in many campaigns.

 - bailiff: ...
 - catchpole: ...
 - chancellor: ...
 - constable: the warden of a town or castle
 - diplomat: ...
 - emperor: ...
 - exchequer: the man responsible for the king's revenue
 - hayward: ...
 - herald: ...
 - jailer: ...
 - judge: a man who is responsible for deciding questions brought to court
 - king:
   ( ... ... )

 - reeve: church warden. ( ... ... )
 - woodward: the keeper of a forest
   ( ... ... )

Farming and Workers with Flora and Fauna

 - forester: game warden or forest ranger.
   ( ... ... )

2018년 3월 18일 일요일

자료: 구글, 애드워즈 // 광고주 입찰 규칙, 비크리 경매

※ 발췌 (excerpts):

출처 1: Cost-per-click (CPC): Definition

Cost-per-click (CPC) bidding means that you pay for each click on your ads. For CPC bidding campaigns, you set a maximum cost-per-click bid─or simply "max. CPC"─that's the highest amount that you're willing to pay for a click on your ad (unless you're setting bid adjustments, or using Enhanced CPC).

Your max. CPC{https://support.google.com/adwords/answer/6326} is the most you'll typically be charged for a click, but you'll often charged less─sometimes much less. That final amount you're charged for a click is called your actual CPC{https://support.google.com/adwords/answer/6297}.

출처 2: 실제 클릭당비용(CPC): 정의

실제 클릭당비용(실제 CPC)은 클릭에 대한 최종 청구 금액으로, 일반적으로 클릭에 대해 청구되는 최대 클릭당비용(최대 CPC)보다 대부분 낮은 비용(때로는 훨씬 낮은 비용)이 청구됩니다.

애드워즈 입찰에서는 광고 게재순위 및 사이트링크와 같이 광고와 함께 표시되는 광고 형식을 유지하는 데 필요한 최소 금액만 결제하므로 실제 CPC가 최대 CPC보다 낮은 경우가 많습니다. 참고로 향상된 CPC 입찰기능을 사용하거나 입찰가 조정을 설정한 경우 실제 CPC가 최대 CPC를 초과할 수 있습니다.

출처 3: GSP — The Cinderella of Mechanism Design (Christopher A. Wilkens, Ruggiero Cavallo, Rad Niazadeh | Cornell University, Jan 2017)

In February 2002, Google launched its pay-per-click AdWords auction with an innovation that would change the industry: while competitors used a first price model to sell ads on a search results page,[주]1 Google chose a second-price paradigm[문헌28]. The benefits were clear[문헌16], and within 6 years, the search ads industry had standardized on Google's generalized second price (GSP) auction.

There was one problem with GSP: it was not the proper generalization of Vickrey's second price auction, a title that instead belongs to the Vickrey-Clarke-Groves (VCG) mechanism. Google realized this mere months after launch, yet GSP was already humming along, too entrenched to be replaced[문헌28].

2018년 3월 15일 목요일

탐색:// 비크리(Vickrey) 경매의 약점

※ 발췌 (excerpt):

출처 1: The Lovely but Lonely Vickrey Auction (Lawrence M. Ausubel and Paul Milgrom, 2006)

4. Weaknesses of the VCG Mechanism

Despite the attractiveness of the dominant-strategy property, the VCG mechanism also has several possible weaknesses:

- low (or zero) revenues;
- non-monotonicity of the seller's revenues in the set of bidders and the amounts bid;
- vulnerability to collusion by a coalition of losing bidders; and
- vulnerability to the use of multiple bidding identities by a single bidder.

It will be seen later in this chapter that a simple and intuitive condition on individual bidders characterizes whether these deficiencies are present. In economic environments where every bidder has ^substitutes preferences^, the above-listed weaknesses will never occur. However, if there is but a single bidder whose preferences violate the substitutes condition, then with an appropriate choice of values for remaining biddes (even if the latter values are restricted to be additive),  all of the above-listed weaknesses will be present.

In what follows, we will limit attention to auctions of multiple items, in which different bidders may want different numbers of different packages of items. One obvious reason for the disuse of the VCG mechanism for large-scale applications with diverse items is the same as for other "combinatorial" or "package" auctions: complexity in all aspects of its implementation. ( ... ... )

Complexity, however, cannot be the whole explanation of the rarity of the VCG mechanism. Combinatorial auctions of other kinds have been adopted for a variety of procurement applications, from school milk programs in Chile to bus route services in London, England. Small-scale combinatorial auctions are technically feasile, so we are forced to conclude that VCG rules have not been employed even when they are feasible.

Analyses of the VCG mechanism often exclude any discussion of the auction revenues. This is an important omission. For private sellers, revenues are the primary concern. Even in the government-run spectrum auctions, in which priorities like allocational efficiency, promoting ownership by small businesses or women- or minority-owned businesses, rewarding innovation, and avoiding concentration of ownership are weighty considerations, one of the performance measures most emphasized by the public and politcians alike is the final auction revenue.[주]3

Against this background, it is particularly troubling that the Vickrey auction revenues can be very low or zero, even when the items being sold are quite valuable and competition is ample. For example,[주]4

consider a hypotentical auction of two spectrum licences to three bidders. Suppose that bidder 1 wants only the package of two licences and is willing to pay $2 billion, while the bidders 2 and 3 are both willing to pay $2 billion for a single license. The VCG mechanism assigns the licenses efficiently to bidders 2 and 3. The price paid by bidder 2 is the difference in the value of one license or two licenses to the remaining bidders. Since the difference is zero, the price is zero! The same conclusion applies symmetrically to bidder 3, so the total auction revenues are zero.

Notice that, in this example, if the government had sold the two licenses as an indivisible whole, then it would have had three bidders each willing to pay $2 billion  for the combined licenses. That is ample competition: an ascending auction would have been expected to lead to a price of $2 billion. This revenue deficiency of the VCG mechanism is decisive to reject it for most practical applications.

Closely related to the revenue deficiency of the Vickrey auction is the non-monotonicity of seller revenues both in the set of bidders and in the amounts bid. In the preceding example, if the third bidder were absent of if its value for a license were reduced from $2 billion to zero, then the seller's revenues in the VCG auction would increase from $0 to $2 billion. This non-monotonicity is not only a potential public relations problem but also creates loopholes and vulnerabilities that bidders can sometimes exploit.

One is the Vickrey design's vulnerability to collusion, even by losing bidders. This can be illustrated by a variant of the preceding example, in which bidde 1's vales are unchanged but bidders 2 and 3 have their values reduced so that each is willing to pay only $0.5 billion to acquire a single license. The change in values alters the efficient allocation, making bidders 2 and 3 losers in the auction. However, notice that if the bidders each bid $2 billion for their individual licenses, then the outocme will be the same above: each will win one license at a price of zero! ( ... ... )

출처 2:

2018년 3월 11일 일요일

탐색: 이베이, eBay // Proxy bidding

※ 발췌 (excerpts):

출처 1: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proxy_bid

Proxy bidding is an implementation of an English second-price auction used on eBay, in which the winning bidder pays the price of the second-highest bid pls a defined increment. If differs from a Vickrey auction in that bids are not sealed; the "current highest bid" (defined as second-highest bid plus bid increment) is always displayed.

출처 2: eBay Proxy Bid Mysteries Revealed: "e Sniping" Hacks For Smart Bidders (AuctionWinner, Jul 2011)

Placing a bid on eBay is not at all like placing bid in a traditional, you're-there-in-the-flesh auctions. If you go to the country fair and start bidding for a prize goat, for example (and who among us hasn't), the process is simple. The auctioneer almost certainly issues a starting bid representing the lowest possible price for the goat, then opens up the floor to other bidders.

( ... ... )

eBay doesn't work like this. If it did, eBay would be little more than a highly specialized chat room, a form of online chaos that probably wouldn't work well to anyone's advantage. ( ... ... )

eBay proxy bid: The Answer to Possible Auction Chaos

The answer to the problem ( ... ) is that eBay takes your maximum possible bid but does not actually place that amount unless it must. eBay acts like your best friend in the bidding process, keeping the bid as low as possible while still keeping your bid higher than the rest. This is called proxy bidding.

( ... ... ) If you've bid $250 on [an] eBay auction and the current bid is $110, eBay will keep your bidding price to $115, which is the current bid plus the minimum bid increment at the $100 level.

( ... ... )

출처 3: Last-Minute Bidding and the Rules for Ending Second-Price Auctions: Evidence from eBay and Amazon Auctions on the Internet (Alvin E. Roth, Axel Ockenfels | AER, which date?)

Auctions on the Internet provide a new source of data on how bidding is influenced by the detailed rules of the auction. Here we study the second-price auctions run by eBay and Amazon, in which a bidder submits a reservation price, and has this (maximum) price used to bid for him by proxy. That is, a bidder can submit his reservation price (called a proxy bid) early in the auction and have the resulting bid register as the minimum increment above the previous high bid.

As subsequent reservation prices are submitted, the bid rises by the minimum increment until the second highest submitted reservation price is exceeded. Hence, an early bid with a reservation price higher than any other submitted during the auction will win the auction and pay only the minimum increment above the second highest submitted reservation price.

eBay and Amazon use different rules for ending an auction. Auctions on eBay have a fixed end time (a "hard close"), while auctions on Amazon, which operate under otherwise similar rules, are automatically extended if necessary past the scheduled end time until ten minutes have passed without a bid. These different rules give bidders more reason to bid late on eBay than on Amazon. ( ... ... )

Last-minute bidding, a practice called "sniping," arises despite advice from both auctioneers and sellers in eBay that bidders should simply submit their maximum willingness to pay, once, early in the auction. For example, eBay instructs bidders on the simple economics of second price auctions, using an example of a winning early bid. And they discuss last-minute bids on a page explaining that they will not accept complaints about sniping, as follows:

( ... ... )

출처 4: 이베이 경매 방법 - 비딩/입찰 (네이버 블로그, 2015년 6월)

출처 5: 경매장 입찰 방식 (오늘의유머, 2012년 6월)

출처 6: eBay에서 배우는 인터넷 경매 영어 (2005년 12월)

Proxy bid: Placing a maximum bid which is held in confidence by the system. System will use only as much of this amount as it needed to maintain bidder's high bid position.

출처 7: 인센티브 경매: 경매 규칙 설계를 위한 FCC 제안을 중심으로 (김주현, 정보통신정책연구원, 2014년 2월)

Descending clock auction의 경우는 유찰의 위험성이 존재한다. 만약 현재 가격이 입찰자가 일반적으로 생각하는 승낙 의사보다 현저하게 낮게 되면 모든 입차자가 경매를 포기할 수 있다. 이러한 위험성을 막기 위해 FCC는 입찰자에게 "proxy bid" 옵션을 제공한다. 이는 입찰자가 경매 시작 전에 자신의 최소 승낙 의사(minimum willingness to accept)를 경매 주관에 제출하면, 매 라운드마다 경매 소프트웨어는 입찰자가 제출한 proxy bid를 고려하여 자동적으로 입찰액을 생성한다. ( ... ... )

2018년 3월 7일 수요일

Dic: Grammar 시간 시제 // speech time, event time, reference time

출처 1: Tense and Aspect (SEP, Jan 2014)

출처 2: Perfect tense whose reference time is future (ELL StackExchange)

... ...


- Don't be too long about it or you'll find someone has beaten you to it.

2018년 3월 3일 토요일

지도: // 뉴저지 해리슨에서 뉴욕 컬럼비아 대학, 클레어몬트로 가는 경로

출처: 구글 지도

1. Harrison, NJ로부터 뉴욕시 맨해튼의 Harlem까지

2. Harlem에서 Claremont Avenue까지
3. Harlem에서 Columbia University까지

※ 한편, 뉴욕주 Harrison에서 뉴욕시 맨해튼의 Harlerm까지

2018년 3월 2일 금요일

용어: 우버, Uber // surge pricing

※ 발췌 (excerpts):

출처 1: https://help.uber.com/en/h/e9375d5e-917b-4bc5-8142-23b89a440eec

What is surge? During times of high demand for rides, fares may increase to make sure those who need a ride can get one. For drivers, surge means higher earnings potential. When you're online, your app displays areas with high demand for rides in shades of red. The deeper the shade of red, the greater that area's demand.

Surge pricing for any trip is based on the rider's pickup location. While you may receive a ride request while your vehicle is in a surging area, your rider's pickup location may not be surging. When you receive a pickup request from a surging area, the trip request screen displays the surge multiplier.

Surge rates are charged as a multiplier of X.X. For example, you may see and accept a surge multiplier of 1.3x or 2.1x. This surge multiplier applies to the base, time, and distance of the trip fare. Cancellation fees, tolls, and per-trip surcharges are not subject to surge pricing.

Here's an example of what you would earn for a $10 trip fare with a surge rate of 1.5x:

$2 base
$3 distance
$5 time
Surge multiplier of 1.5x = $5
TOTAL EARNINGS: $15 ($10 + $5 surcharge)

( ... ... )

출처 2: https://help.uber.com/ko_KR/h/e9375d5e-917b-4bc5-8142-23b89a440eec

탄력 요금제란? 이용자 수요가 많을 때 공급을 원활하게 하기 위해 탄력 요금으로 인해 요금이 상승할 수 있습니다. 이용자 입장에서는 탄력 요금으로 인해 차량을 빠르게 이용할 수 있습니다. 드라이버-파트너 입장에서는 탄력 요금으로 인해 여정 요금이 증가하므로 수입이 늘어나게 됩니다. 파트너 앱에서는 온라인 상태일 때 차량 서비스 수요가 많은 지역은 지도에서 적색으로 표시됩니다. 지역의 색깔이 짙을수록 수요가 높습니다.

탄력 요금은 이용자 픽업 요청 위치를 기준으로 합니다. 드라이버 파트너의 차량이 탄력 요금 적용 지역에 위치하던 중 탄력 요금이 적용되지 않는 지역에서 픽업 요청이 들어올 수 있습니다. 탄력 요금 지역에서 여정 요청이 들어오면 여정 요청 화면에 타녁 요금 배수가 표시됩니다.

탄력 요금은 X.X 배수로 청구됩니다. 예를 들어 탄력 요금 지역의 이용자는 1.3X 또는 2.1X의 탄력 요금 배수를 수락해야 할 수 있습니다. 이러한 탄력 요금 배수는 여정 요금의 기본 요금, 시간 및 거리에 적용됩니다. 취소 수수료, 통행료 및 매 여정마다 추가 요금에는 탄력 요금이 적용되지 않습니다.

예를 들어 $10 여정 시 탄력 요금이 1.5x인 경우의 요금 청구 방법은 다음과 같습니다.

$2 기본 요금
$3 거리
$5 시간
소계: $10
탄력 요금 배수 1.5x = $5
통행료: $1.00
총 요금: $16 ($10 + $5 + $1 통행료)

이 여정에 대한 순 지급액은 $15 - Uber 서비스 수수료 + $1.00 통행료입니다.

( ... ... )

출처 3: 우버의 경제학 (뉴스페파민트, 2014년 1월)

택시 어플리케이션 우버는 악천후, 특정 이벤트 등으로 수요가 [폭증]할 때마다 가격을 조정한다. 우버는 '일시적 가격 인상(Surge Pricing)' 정책이 운전자에게 인센티브를 제공하여 공급을 맞추기 위해서라고 설명한다. 눈보라가 휘몰아치는 날 저녁 1마일(1.6km)당 35달러(4만 원 상당)를 벌 수 있다면 평소의 8배나 되는 가격 덕분에 운전자를 확보할 수 있을 것이라는 이야기다. 그러나 기본 요금으로 무려 175달러를 책정했던 우버에 올겨울 내내 고객들의 항의가 뜨거웠다.

우버의 CEO는 이 정책에 대해 확고한 입장을 지켜왔다. "일시적 가격 인상은 공급을 늘려 탑승 건수를 최대화하기 위한 방법이다. 고객들이 오랫동안 기다릴 필요가 없다는 약속을 확실히 지켜준다. ( ... ... ) "

경제학자들은 우버의 정책에 동의한다. 수요와 공급이 달라질 때 가격 차별을 통해 균형을 찾으면 소비자들도 그만큼의 효용을 본다는 것은 경제학의 기본 가운데 하나다. 그러나 일반 소비자들은 다르게 느낀다. 다니엘 카네만에 따르면 80%의 미국인이 일시적 가격 인상이 불공평하다고 느낀다. 우버식 일시적 가격 인상은 미국의 34개 주에서  불법이다. 자연 재해가 발생했을 때 상품/서비스 가격이 폭등하는 것을 막기 위해 만들어진 법이다. 실제로 우버는 허리케인 샌디 당시 터무니없이 높은 택시비 때문에 트위터에서 지탄을 받았다.

( ... ... )

그러고 어제, 2014년 새해 이브에 우버는 다시 가격을 인상했다. 이번에는 우버뿐 아니라 Lyft 등 유사한 택시 서비스들이 일제히 가격을 올렸다. 소비자들도 예전에 비해서는 납득하는 분위기다. 우버는 가격 인상을 확실히 알리기 위해 UI를 바꾸고, 고객이 높은 택시비를 직접 입력해야 서비스를 사용할 수 있게 하는 등 고객의 편의에도 신경을 썼다. 택시비의 80%가 운전자에게 돌아간다는 것을 소비자에게 알리고 ( ... ... )

출처 4: Here’s how you can avoid Uber surge pricing (Fortune, 2015년 10월)

Getting out of paying extra money to Uber during a period of surge pricing may be easier than you think. A new study by researchers at Northeastern University has found that the pricing scheme, which Uber uses to raise rates for its car-hailing service during times of high demand, can some times last as little as five minutes.

The researchers created 43 Uber accounts and hailed cars across Manhattan and San Francisco over the course of four weeks. They found that surge pricing often last for a very short period. The boundaries that define the surge pricing area can also be surprisingly small, esp. in Manhattan. Moving just a few hundread feet sometimes made it possible to hail a normally-price car again.

"The vast majority of surges are short-lived, which suggests that savvy Uber passengers should 'wait-out' surges rather than pay higher prices," the authors wrote in their study ( ... ... ) The study also asserts that surge pricing actually kills off demand for Uber cars, to the point that many drivers end up leaving the surge area to try to pick up more fares. This runs contrary to Uber's claim that surge pricing helps entice drives to pour into dense areas where there is lots of demand.

Uber disputes the findings, saying that its much more comprehensive data shows that surge pricing attracts more drivers to an area. "We've seen this work in practice day in day out, in cities all around the world," a spokesperson told ProPublica.

출처 5: Uber drivers gang up to cause surge pricing, research says (Telegraph, 2017년 8월)

Uber drives team up in gangs to force higher prices before they pick up passengers, research has revealed. Researchers at the University of Warwick found Uber drivers in London and New York have been tricking the app into thinking there is a shortage of cars in order to raise surge prices.

According to the study, drives manipulate Uber's algorithm by logging out of the app at the same time, making it think that there is a shortage of cars.

Uber raises its fare prices when there is a high demand for vehicles and a short supply of drives available. Fares are known to increase during peak times such as rush hour, during public events and late at night. Surge pricing can boost the cost of rides to multiple times the normal rate.

The study said drives have been coordinating forced surge pricing, after interviews with drivers in London and New York, and research on online forums such as Uberpeople.net. In a post on the website for drives, seen by the researchers, one person said: "Guys, stay logged off until surge. Less supply high demand = surge." Responding to fears that Uber might discover that its drivers are manipulating its algorithm, the driver said: "They already know because it happens every week."

The researchers said the collusion reflects driver dissatisfaction with Uber's policies regarding them, and exposes the "ethically questionable" nature of its algorithm.

"Drivers have developed practices to regain control, even gaming the system," said Dr Mareike Moehlmann, from University of Warwick Business School. "It shows that the algorithmic management that Uber uses may not only be ethically questionable, but may also hurt the company itself."

It is not clear how much impact the trick has had on prices. Uber denied that the practice is widespread. ( ... ... )

Separate research at Northeastern University has previously found passengers can game surge pricing with simple tricks such as waiting five minutes or crossing the road.

2018년 3월 1일 목요일

발췌: W. Vickrey // Tax Simplification through Cumulative Averaging

출처: William Vickrey, "Tax Simplification through Cumulative Averaging," Law and Contemporary Problems, ......

※ 발췌 (excerpt):

Complications in the enactment and administration of income tax laws as they generally exist at present arise very largely from the need to answer four types of questions: (1) Is it income? (2) Whose income is it? (3) What kind of income is it? and (4) When is it income? A surprisingly large portion of the questions that arise and generate involuted legislation and complicated administrative rulings have to do with the last two of these questions, questins essentially have little to do with the basic philosophy of the income tax, and which fundamentally should be irrelevant to the assessment of a properly designed income tax.

The question as to the kind of income that an item represents has to do very largely with  the special favors extended to income designated as capital gains. This is not the place to attempt to answer all of the varied and intricate specious arguments advanced in favor of such special treatment.[주]1  Suffice it here to say that the one argument that has some semblance of substance in the context of a general income tax assessed annually at progressive rates, to wit, that gains accumulated over a long period and realized in a single year may subject the taxpayer to unreasonably high bracket rates if no allowance is made, is largely vitiated as soon as there is available an adequate averaging of income, so that the effective rate ultimately depends not on the income of a single year but on the general level of income over a period of several years.

The difficulty heretofore with such averaging devices has been that either they were not fully effective in overcoming the disadvantages of "lumpy" income, or they required extensive record keeping, or fairly elaborate computations, or gave undesirably capricious results in special cases.

Cumulative averaging, or perhaps more descriptively, cumulative assessment, is a method of averaging that is at once simple, complete, and free from capricious impacts, and its adoption should completely overcome whatever rational hesitation there may be to the elimination of capital gains as a special category of income, allowing receipts in this form to be treated on the same basis as any other.[주]2

[주]2. The basic concept of cumulative averaging was first developed in Vickrey, "Averaging of income for Income Tax Purpose," 47. ^Journal of Political Economcy^. 379 (1939). The scheme was developed further and described more fully in W. Vickrey, Agenda for Progressive Taxation, 172-95, 285-87, & 417-27 (1947).

The question as to when an item is income is one that in the long run has little if anything to do with a taxpayer's over-all ability to pay, and in any properly designed tax should be a matter in which neither the taxpayer nor the Treasury should have any substantial interests. The fact that under the present law the timing of income does so make a substantial difference is amply attested to by the multitude of rules, distinctions, accounting specifications, and the like that permeate the regulations, and the amount of contention that arises between taxpayer and Revenue Service over these matters. That even so the results are not always considered adequately equitable is evidenced by the fact that at long last limited and complicated forms of averaging have been introduced to take care of the more extreme cases of inequity. But what has been done here has hardly scratched the surface of what can be done through averaging to make the income tax more equitable, and, far from taking advantage of the potentials for simplificatin that inhere in averaging, the methods of averaging adopted have themselves been a source of added and excessive complication.

Cumulative averaging is a method of assessing the income tax on the basis of the aggregate income of an individual over a period extending from some fixed initial year to the current year, in such a way that any shifting of items of income or of deductions from one year to another within this over-all period will have no effect on the over-all tax burden borne by the individual. Provided only that checks are provided through a final valuation of assets at the end of the last year of the averaging period, as at the death of the taxpayer, and the bringing to account of accruals of income thus revealed, so that income may not be shifted into or out of the period as a whole, the taxpayer may be left free to carry on his accounting in any self-consistant way he sees fit, deciding for himself such matters as rates of depreciation or amortization, whether to expense of capitalize outlays, when to date transaxtion, whether to accrue discounts, and the like. More important, taxpayers will be free to enter transactions at any time without having to take into account any likelihood that the timing or nominal form of the transactions would have a significant effect on his ultimate over-all tax liability.

Cumulative assessments, coupled of course with full taxation of capital gains and full deductibility of losses, is thus a means of freeing the taxpayer completely from the pervasive balefule influence of the income tax as it exists currently. There will be no locks-ins, no need to cast transactions in unnatural forms, and no need to consult a tax expert before every important transactions!

One might think that in order to accomplish all this the assessment of tax on a cumulative basis would itself have be fairly complicated. In practice, however, cumulative assessment turns out to be a very simple computation insofar as the taxpayer is concerned. By making use of tax tables quite similar to those now used for the annual tax computation, the computations required of the individual taxpayer are far simpler, in fact, than those required to take advantage of most of the averaging provisions that have thus far been enacted. Indeed, these computations turn out to be so simple that taxpayers in the income classes which now generally itemize deductions would have no difficulty in applying the cumulative assessment procedure as a normal routine rather than as an exceptional or optional procedure. This in itself is an important further simlification in that it removes from the taxpayer the burden of having to decide whether he should attempt to use the averaging provisions for any particular year.

Conceptually, cumulative assessment amounts to considering all previous payments on account of income tax on income reported for years included in the cumulation period as interest-bearing deposits in a tax guarantee account. The interest at an appropriate rate credited to this account during the last year plus the net taxable income from other sources for the current year are then added to the cumulative taxable income as of the previous year to get the cumulated taxable income for the period to date. The total tax due on this total income for the period is then obtained from a tax table appropriate to the number of years covered by the period, in exactly the same way as a tax is now computed for a single year. The tax currently due is the amount necessary to bring the balance in the tax guarantee account, including accrued interest, up to the level of this total tax due.

The actual computations required of the taxpayer in a typical case can be set out as follows for a taxpayer's 1974 return with an averaging period beginning with 1970, for example: ( ... ... )

다른 출처: William Vickrey, "Averaging of Income for Income-Tax Purposes," Journal of Political Economy 47, no. 3 (Jun., 1939): 379-397.

※ 발췌 (excerpt):

It has long been considered one of the principal defects of the gradual individual income tax that fluctuating incomes are, on the whole, subjected to much heavier tax burdens than incomes of comparable average magnitude which are relatively steady from year to year. ( ... ... )

Two notable attempts have been made to remedy this situation by the introduction of an averaging process. In the state of Wisconsin from 1928 to 1932 the state income tax was assessed on the basis of the average income for the last three years, with certain adjustments at the transition years. However, legal difficulties ( ... ... )

The Commonwealth of Australia in 1921 enacted a provision that the rate of tax to be applied to the income of the current year was to be determined by reference to an average of the income for the last five years. ( ... ... )

( ... ... )

다른 출처: Abu N. M. Wahid, Frontiers of Economics: Nobel Laureates of the Twentieth Century, ABC-CLIO, 2002.

※ 발췌 (excerpt):

( ... ... ) Vickrey contended that intertemporal tax neutrality can be achieved if tax authorities regard all tax payments, beginning with a given year, as interest bearing deposits with the treasury in the taxpayer's name. [:]
  • The accrued amount on this account would then be counted as a credit against the current assessed tax, based on the cumulated total income (including interest earned on the tax-deposit account) for the entire period to date
  • The current tax due would be the difference between this assessed cumulative tax and the accumulated balance on the taxpayer's account with the treasury
According to Vickrey, treating taxes paid as an interest-bearing account removes the incentive for taxpayers to vary the timing of realization or reporting of all forms of income.
Cumulative averaging methof of tax assessment is a noble innovation in the economics of taxation. ( ... ... )