출처: Steven A. Epstein (2001). Genoa and the Genoese, 958-1528. University of North Carolina Press.
※ 발췌: pp. 9~
Chapter 1
FROM PRACTICALLY NOTHING TO SOMETHING, 958-1154
At the beginning there was the land and the sea, and whatever Genoa was to become, it would owe to its position on the shore at a spot where systems of transport must change. With the northwestern stretch of the Apennines descending steeply to the sea, the most remarkable feature of the land is how little flat space exists (see Map2). Stunning rugged cliffs and rocky beaches have entranced generations of travels to the Rivieras─the Levante to the east and the Ponente to the west. It was never easy to live off poor mountain soils with the few flat areas revealingly named islands, places of refuge in a sea of stone. These mountains have a narrow watershed facing to the sea; to the north, east, and west, what water there was tended to find its way into the great Po valley to the north. Torrents or creeks, the Bisagno to the east of Genoa and to the west the Plocevera, were unnaviguable and were not always reliable sources of fresh water. Genoa was at the mouth of nothing on a sea where some of the great ports sat; there, significant rivers like the Po, Rhone, Arno, and Nile offered access to a hinterland. Beyond the Giovi, the local pass at 472 meters (1,548 feet) through the mountains, the Genoese could reach the upper Po valley and Piedmont, but usually by mules on tough mountain trails or by the admirable Roman Via Postumia, which branched off from coastal Via Aurelia at Genoa and found its way to Tortona, Piacenza, and beyond.[n.1]
1.1 THE ENVIRONMENT (p. 10)
The natural world, with its opportunities for transport, shaped the ways in which Genoese entered the rest of the Mediterranean world.[n.2] What did nature and the Romans leave them? Nature supplied a mountain city on the sea, a fair port on a harsh coast, probably the best port between Barcelona and La Spezia, though the Genoese were always improving the harbor, making it increasingly artificial one requiring upkeep. Genoa's advantages as a harbor derive from its northern displacement. Although the way to the interior from Genoa through the Giovi pass and the Scrivia valley is not easy, it is at least shorter and so Genoa is the natural port of the upper Po valley. Some flat land around Genoa provided food, at least as important as the shelter its harbor gave ships. ( ... ... )
1.2 ANCIENT AND EARLY MEDIEVAL LEGACIES (p. 12)
1.3 THE FIRST CRUSADE AND ITS AFTERMATH (p. 28)
( ... ) In this case, however, the first great chronicler of Genoese history, the nobleman, ambassador, and public official Caffaro, sailed with the great fleet of 1100 that arrived too late to participate in the siege of Jerusalem. But Caffaro was an eyewithness to the establishment of the Latin kingdom in this critical year, and he is neglected both as a historian of the Crusade and as one of the first urban historians in Europe.[n.64] Caffaro, born about 1080, lived to the ripe age of 86, only abandoning his greatest work, his chronicle of Genoa, in 1164 because he could no longer continue.[n.65] Caffaro's own annals cover the period 1099-1163; he also wrote a separate work, a "Brief History of the Kingdom of Jerusalem." As Richard Face noted, Caffaro stands at the beginning of a marvelous traditin of urban history in Genoa, primarily secular in tone and origin, that stretches into the 15th century.[n.66] From now on we will nearly always have a contemporary or nearly so version of events. Caffaro tends to see the world through patriotic Genoese eyes, but our interest, again, is to see the Genoese through his eyes.
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1.3 THE COMMUNE (p. 33)
Caffaro states that a year and a half before the fleet that took Caesarea sailed, the Genoese established a ^compagna^ (commune or sworn association of citizens) to last for three years under the leadership of six consuls. [n.86] As the fleet departed in August 1100, the Genoese must have set up their compagna early in 1099, perhaps on 2 February, the feast of the Purification of the Virgin, a date that became the traditional first day in office of the Genoese conculs. All earlier documents suggesting that a commune existed in Genoa before 1099 have been dismissed as forgeries, yet the city must have had some form of government in the late 11th century.[n.87] Caffaro is so matter-of-fact about this compagna that it is impossible to believe that it was the first one. ( ... )
In the aftermath of this discord, sometime between 1087 and 1099, the compagna first appeared in Genoa. Vito Vitale believed that the compagna was a voluntary association of neighborhoods, with the bishop and the nobility joining in the oath.[n.90] The neighborhoods of Genoa, themselves called compagne, were originally seven: Borgo, Soziglia, Porta, San Lorenzo, Maccagnani, Piazzalunga, and Castello. The neighborhoods had some economic and political organization─all but San Lorenzo had access to the port─and naval obligatioons to provide crews. Arranged much like slices of a cake, Genoa's neighborhoods descended from the hills down to the sea.[n.91] Vitale suggested that the compagna was a precommunal stage of self-government because of its federal nature, but it is more accurate to consider it as the first stage in the long evolution of Genoa's commune. This period, down to 1191, witnessed periodic renewals and changes in the structure of the sworn association, but gradually its temporary nature disappeared and the number of consuls fluctuated between four and eight. Their means of selection is not clear, but some form of election is probable. Nobles frequently served as consuls and the bishop remained a force, especially in the first half of the century. Everywhere in central and northern Italy, city-states were emerging with a bewildering array of styles of government. The most important of these cities─Venice, Florence, Pisa, Milan, and Genoa─developed in distinctive ways. Giovanni Tabacco believed that the common themes in the struggle for control were how power became institutionalized and how "hegemonic social classes" emerged in Italian urban society.[n.92] The sworn compagna compelled the Genoese to submit to a common power whose principal mission was to defend the people and to find the means to pay for it. Crusading required so much expenses and effort that it Genoa's case the problems of launching those expeditions probably contributed to the rise of institutions like the compagna. Hegemonic social classes are more difficult to identify, but we should keep an eye on the nobles and the families that dominated the consulate.
After the first known consuls, the compagna was reestablished in 1102 with four consuls chosen to serve for four years. This process was repeated in 1106 and then regularly in four- or two-year intervals until 1122, when the consuls began to serve one-year terms.[n.93] Caffaro himself served as consuls in 1122 and five more times down to 1149.[n.94] Because no autobiographical details survive about these early consuls except from Caffaro, his age, about 42, may or may not have been typical of the men who served for the first time. Various documents from the early 12th century reveal in a piecemeal manner the activities of these consuls. But from about 1143 a remarkable document survives, the brief of the consuls.[n.95] In part this brief was a précis of the laws of Genoa, and in part it described the office of consul so that the men occupying it knew what to do in the unlikely event that they could all read the brief's Latin. Early briefs probably existed and a later one survives, but this one illuminates the early commune in striking detail.
First and foremost, the consuls were not to diminish the honor of the city or the church's income and honor. It was something new in medieval Europe that a city could have honor. The consuls were also supposed to dispense equal justice to the citizens, and in peacetime one of their most arduous tasks was to serve as a judge.[n.96] By 1143, by means of a process to be described shortly, their writ ran from Monaco in the west to Portovenere in the east and in the interior on a line from Voltaggio to Montalto to Savignone─more or less modern Liguria, though plenty of people in the region still vigorously disputed the commune's authority. In Genoa the consuls exercised their offices at three major churches: Santa Maria di Castello, in the heart of the old city; San Siro, the old cathedral; and San Lorenzo, the new seat of the archbiship.[n.97] Intentional homicide was the first and the most serious crime, the brief explained to the consuls.[n.98] If the guilty party was not a sworn member of the campagna, or if he was a cleric or a minor, the penalty for homicide was exile and seizure of all goods, which went to the nearest surviving relatives of the victim or, if they refused it, to San Lorenzo. Sons and daughters of the killers could not inherit anything, except of course if the wife killed her husband or the husband murdered his wife. Then the childen, being, however ironically, the nearest surviving kin of the victim, were allowed to inherit. In no case did the consuls have the burden of imposing capital punishment; this was a humane side to Genoese law. In murder cases for which the guilty party was not obvious or easily identified, an accused had the right to defend himself literally by combat against the deceased's champion. If he refused to fight he was guilty, and if he died in the combat he was guilty; in both these instances he also forfeited all of his property. If the accused won the fight, then he merely suffered exile. In this system of law, to be accused was a taint that never completely washed clean.
Next the brief instructed the consuls on just what it meant to enter into the compagna and what the principal rights of members were.[n.99] If any Genoese was called to enter the compagna, he had forty days to comply, and if he did not, he was refused to admission for three years.[n.100] If a person was not in the compagna he could not serve as a consul or treasurer, or be a legate or advocate or serve in any office. Perhaps most importantly, he and his money could not be carried by sea from Genoa, and anyone who transported such a perso and his goods would be held accountable by the consuls. Anyone who did not enter the compagna and had a dispute with a person in it was not allowed to receive any counsel or help from a member. Clearly, those in the compagna were only a subset of the larger pool of adult Genoese men, and only those of a certain local importance found themselves invited to join. Membership probably conferred on people the right to vote for consuls and certainly the right to engage in maritime commerce, the backbone of Genoese prosperity and the source of the great fortunes in the city. Success in trade enabled powerful families to keep together their allies for political as well as economic purposes. By trading or employing those outside their circle, the members of the compagna created wider support for their policies.[n.101] The poor lived without these benefits, but even ordinary Genoese from time to time risked a few lire in an overseas trading contract. This provision in the brief suggests that many adult men in the city were in the compagna, which also helped members in their lawsuits and disputes. People outside the club were not going to fare well in court cases against members. The brief does not address the question of women and whether or not they entered the compagna. Because no women served in any offices, it is probable that they did not enter the compagna, but as relatives of members they were permitted to engage in trade.
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